While so much of the regional conflict here assumes participation by Israeli and Palestinian players, there is another story. Tuesday night, Mohammad Darawshe, the co-executive director of the Abraham Fund, an organization dedicated to coexistence and equal rights, especially for Arabs in Israel. His presentation addressed 20% of Israel's population, including Bedouin, Druze, and Christian-Arabs, from civic, national and political perspectives.
To grab our attention, he kicked off his lecture by stating "I am a citizen of a country that says it's not my country." Notice, he didn't say the country denied him citizenship. He has the same identity card that any Jewish Israeli does. He can travel throughout Israel, etc. Yet, while he is a citizen of Israel, and the 28th generation of his family in the region, he is a citizen of a "Jewish State." Where does he find his place here, and how have Arabs lived in Israel since the country's declaration?
Darawshe identified periods of history with his own headings, beginning with 1948. He classified this period as the "security glasses." While the Israeli Declaration of Independence recognized the state as "Democratic and Jewish" for the 164,000 Palestinians already living in Israel, the document also guaranteed political, cultural, economic and social rights, as well as accepting Arabic as an official language with Hebrew. Yet, until 1966, every Arab town in Israel was occupied by an IDF commander. Of course, Jewish towns weren't. The "security glasses," therefore, were preventative and cautionary measures of the young government.
In 1966, the Knesset lifted the military from the Arab towns, and provided civic rights. Before this point, if an Arab saw a bus was running late, he/she had to approach the IDF about the problem. They could take care of the problem themselves. This suggests that Arab towns were lagging in development, lacking electricity and paves roads. This issue continued past 1966, but Darawshe described these years as the "honeymoon period," with their legitimization lasting until 1976.
Pressures began to pick up, leading to hostilities, confrontations and death, until 1992. Then Yitzhak Rabin took office, and the Oslo Peace Accords began. During Oslo, Israeli-Arabs found themselves between a rock and a hard place. Arafat and Rabin were discussing a two-state solution, but the Israeli-Arabs felt that while they might be part of the problem, they weren't part of the solution. Some approached Arafat, asking him to lobby Israel for Arab rights. Arafat refused, saying they were not part of Palestine, and not his problem. Some right-wing Jews approached Rabin and suggested he push the Israeli-Arabs out of Israel in exchange for removing Jews from settlements. Rabin refused, saying Arab-Israelis are citizens who are promised rights in the Declaration, and that he would not negotiate the rights of his citizens.
Rabin's government meanwhile represented a unique microcosm of Israeli civil society. His coalition contained 61seats of 120 total. Therefore, there was a 59 seat opposition. More importantly, his coalition included 5 Arab parties, so he had a Jewish minority of seats in his coalition. The government would not accept Arab parties holding the same positions as the rest, because that would enable them to take ministerial positions like education, finance....and defense. Imagine an Arab Minister of Defense in Israel. 1992 Israel would not. In exchange, the Arab parties were promised rights, while they assumed minority leadership in the "safety net" government. During this period Darawshe said that 70% of Arab needs were met by demanding money for schools, roads, etc. in exchange for votes, ushering in, in his terms, the "golden age of Arab citizens in Israel."
in 1996, Netanyahu, and the right were elected Prime Minister. Shockingly, he had invited the Arab parties to join his coalition, offering them even FULL MEMBERSHIP (ministerial positions), but the Arab parties declined and voted for Perez.
Then, in 1999, Barack of Labor ran against Netanyahu. Netanyahu again promised the Arabs ministerial positions if they voted for him. Barack had to outdo him, so he promised to "redefined the State of Israel as the State of the Jewish people and its citizens." An unprecedented 78% of Arabs turn out at the polls on election day, a greater percentage than the Jews who turned out (77%). Of the 78% percent of the Arabs who voted, 98.9% percent of them voted for Barack. Barack won, but doesn't hold up his end of the deal, saying instead Israel isn't ready yet. He feared if he fought for the Arabs he would lose his coalition, and especially after Rabin, his life. Darawshe believes this was the worst mistake that the Arabs made. Had they voted for a right wing Israeli politician, like Netanyahu, there would have been less pressure against him fulfilling his promises. Once again, hostilities, confrontation, boycotts, delegitimization, death follow. Put into the mix the Second Intifada, and Israel is up in arms with its Arab citizens. Jewish Israeli's feel betrayed that they have to fight within their borders while fighting outside against the terrorists in the West Bank and Gaza. The Israeli-Arabs feel more betrayed that the Palestinians beyond the borders don't care about them, and that they have no one to trust in Knesset.
Eventually, in 2002, the Orr Commission is formed to investigate Arab murders. They come up with three recommendations:
2) There is a need to legitimize Arab culture, by learning the language and culture. In 2005, the Abraham Fund created an Arabic language program based on school systems in Canada, Belgium and other bi-lingual environments, and tried to enforce it in Jewish schools alongside Hebrew studies. They started with 5 programs. Today, there are 800 program in 222 schools.
3) Arabs have been left out of the Israeli economy, contributing to only 7%. They are a waste of manpower otherwise, and need a way in. Today, 56% of Arabs are below the poverty line, compared to 15% of Jews.
Darawshe began to wind down his lecture. Skipping the Sharon administration to Olmert, on July 10th, 2008, Olmert publicly announced that "Israel has institutionally, intentionally discriminate against Arab citizens," and that it needs to stop for Israel's self-interest. To add a few more stats:
Today 15% of Arabs serve in the army (9% of which are Druze, the rest of which are mostly Bedouin and Christian). 50% of Jewish Israeli's don't serve in the Army.
About 50% of northern Israel is Arab.
52% of Arabs voted int he 2009 election, but 92% vote in municipal elections.
There are 2,500 Arab Israeli university students, 57% of which are female. 1/3 of the Arab students then go to Jordanian universities, and then come back to work for Israel, having improved the country's image.
While answering students' questions, such as what would happen if/when a Palestinian state is established, Darawshe explained that he didn't immigrate to Israel, but that Israel immigrated to him. While he didn't choose to become Israeli, he made no intentions of leaving, even with the civic challenges that still exist.
It was an eye-opening lecture, very straightforward and clear, by an extremely optimistic individual.
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